The next great crisis for the United States, at least as David
Boies of Boies, Schiller & Flexner sees it, is unfunded pension
liability for city and state governments. "This is a $5 trillion
issue," Boies told me in a phone interview Wednesday. "Unless we
solve this problem, everyone is in jeopardy -- cities and
states, those who depend on their services, even employees of
cities and states." Boies predicts an unprecedented wave of
government bankruptcies if elected officials don't take action.
Boies is also putting his money where his mouth is. On
Wednesday, he and Boies Schiller associate Julia Hamilton moved
for admission to the state courts of Rhode Island, where police,
firefighters, teachers and thousands of other state and local
employees and retirees are challenging sweeping pension overhaul
legislation passed last November. Boies and Hamilton will be
advising the state officials named as defendants in five Rhode
Island Superior Court suits asserting that the 2011 law --
which, among other things, suspended cost-of-living adjustments,
raised the retirement age and shrunk the defined benefit
component of pensions -- violates the contract, takings and due
process clauses of the Rhode Island constitution. And according
to state treasurer Gina Raimondo -- a Yale-trained lawyer,
former venture capitalist and architect of the pension overhaul
-- Boies is charging the state a whopping $50 an hour.
Raimondo, who's a defendant in the pension overhaul suits,
along with Governor Lincoln Chafee and the state pension board
director, told me she approached Boies several weeks ago, after
deciding the state needed a constitutional law expert. "The
enormity of the consequences of this case is hard to overstate,"
Raimondo said. The pension overhaul addressed a $7 billion
unfunded liability and a plan that was less than 50 percent
funded. If the challengers succeed in overturning the law,
Raimondo said, cities in Rhode Island will have to come up with
$100 million next year alone. "That would spell financial
catastrophe for the state of Rhode Island," she said.
Boies was intrigued by the national implications and
constitutional considerations of pension reform. He also admired
t h e way Rhode Island accomplished its overhaul. Raimondo was a
Democrat and Chafee a onetime Republican who ran for governor as
an independent, and the legislation had broad support in both
houses of state government. "This was a bipartisan effort, led
by Democrats, attempting to reform state finances in a way that
will benefit everyone," Boies said. "It doesn't help employees
to have an employer that's insolvent."
In Rhode Island, the state pension system was established by
the legislature in 1936, and thereafter its terms have been
governed by state law, not by collective bargaining agreements
or other private contracts. The state employees and retirees
challenging the new law argue that the pension terms amounted to a contract between the state and workers and retirees who
contributed to the plan and expected to receive promised pension
benefits in return. "We paid for these," said J. Michael Downey,
president of the state's largest public employee union, Rhode
Island Council 94 of AFSCME, AFL-CIO. "We did everything we were
supposed to. We were vested into the system. If there were
abuses, they did nothing to fix them."
In August, the state's outside lawyers at Adler Pollack &
Sheehan filed a motion to dismiss the lead case challenging the
pension overhaul law. According to the brief, there's a
fundamental flaw in the employees' suits: Rhode Island has no
contractual obligation to workers and retirees because its
pension system is a creature of statute. Rhode Island law, the
brief said, dictates a strong presumption against reading
contractual obligations into statutes, and there's no clear
indication in the language of state pension laws of the
legislature's intent to create enforceable obligations. (Adler
Pollack will work with Boies Schiller as the case progresses; a
hearing on the state's motion to dismiss was moved from October
to December.)
Clearly, the threshold question in the Rhode Island
litigation will be whether the workers can claim that their
pension benefits were constitutionally protected property. Given
that Rhode Island is in the minority of states whose pension
systems are governed by statute, I asked Boies whether the Rhode
Island case would even set relevant precedent for other states
facing pension shortfalls, most of which have pension plans
whose terms are set in contracts or collective bargaining
agreements. Boies conceded that if Rhode Island wins on the
no-contract question, the state Supreme Court (where the case
will inevitably end up) might not even hear any arguments that
the public interest in restoring fiscal stability justifies
impairing pensioners' contractual rights.
But Boies also said, that's not the only reason he's
interested in the Rhode Island case. "This is not just a legal
question," he said. "It's a political question, a question of
how we're going to reform the finances of city and state
governments." If other states see that Rhode Island has
succeeded in passing an overhaul and turning back a court
challenge, he said, they may follow.
Union President Downey said he's not scared of Boies, even
after I told him that Boies represented Al Gore at the Supreme
Court in Bush v. Gore. "I guess the state got a bargain, hiring
him for $50 an hour," he said. "It won't change our opinion that
what the treasurer did was wrong. It wasn't a bipartisan law. It
was political, for (Raimondo). Boies didn't do much good for Al
Gore. Maybe he won't do much harm to the public employees of
Rhode Island."
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